A Psychological Perspective of The Turn of the Screw Essay -- Henry Ja

A Psychological Perspective of The Turn of the Screw   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Henry James was one of the famous writers during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. He was known as an innovative and independent novelist. One of James' novels, The Turn of the Screw (1898), has caused a lot of controversy among many critics, and each of them has had a particular interpretation. James' creative writing built a close connection between his novel and his readers. The reactions of the readers toward The Turn of the Screw can be researched psychologically by analyzing how James developed his story using questionable incidents, an unreliable narrator, unexpected changes, an interesting prologue, and effective images and words. The influences of James's writing on his readers can be explained clearly from a psychological perspective. Readers have their individual perceptions and experiences which are defined as ego. Sigmund Freud pointed out that under the effects of the external world, the ego starts to react in various forms such as storing, adapting, learning, or fighting against external events (2). The external world includes all the things happening outside human minds such as activities in real life, in movies or in books. When readers react to the behaviors of the Governess and other characters in The The Turn of the Screw, it means their ego responds to the story that is the external world in this case. Since the perception and experiences of each person are different from the other, the reactions to this novel are varied. Moreover, James's story was written in a very sophisticated way, which is likely to lead to complex reactions. Henry James skillfully has his readers integrated into his story. While the readers are reading T... ...Screw. Works Cited Auchincloss, Louis. Reading Henry James. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1975. Freud, Sigmund. An Outline of Psycho-Analysis. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1969. James, Henry. "The Turn of the Screw". The Turn of the Screw and Other Short Novels. New York: New American Library, 1995. Luckacher, Ned. "'Hanging Fire': The Primal Scene of The Turn of the Screw." Henry James's Daisy Miller, The Turn of the Screw, and Other Tales:. Ed. Horold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House Publisher, 1987. 117-132. Nunning, Ansgar. "Unreliable Narrator." Encyclopedia of the Novel. Ed. Paul Schellinger. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 1998. 1386-1388. Wagenknecht, Edward. The Tales of Henry James. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1984. ---. Seven Masters of Supernatural Fiction. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991.

Contemporary America Essay

Joven Isamer Bilog 12 Apr 2011 History 162 Section 8 America’s role in World War II was fueled by the desire to fight oppression abroad. However, America’s own oppressive behavior contradicts this desire. Segregation and discrimination were still prominent in WWII. Full citizenship rights were denied to African-Americans. The Jim Crow laws kept the separation of black and white soldiers. Black and white soldiers shared different bathrooms and were trained in different military units. African-American soldiers fought two wars: one over the Axis Powers and one with domestic racial prejudice.There is no sense for America to fight for democracy if America could not have even exemplified it. There was no motive to guide an African-American soldier to shed blood for hypocrisy. In January 1942, a cafeteria worker named James G. Thompson sent a letter to the Pittsburgh Courier that decided to confront the contradiction of a Jim Crow army defending democracy and proposed the Dou ble Victory sign. The first â€Å"V† stood for victory over America’s enemies abroad and the second V stood for victory over African-American’s enemies at home.The Pittsburgh Courier’s â€Å"Double V† campaign was a profound movement that provided incentive for African-American war efforts and effectively revealed the disparity between America’s ideals abroad and the reality at home. The Double V campaign instantly grabbed the attention of the Pittsburgh Courier which started publishing the Double V insignia in its February 7th edition. Thompson’s letter made an immediate impact due to its simple yet memorable slogan with the words. His Double V idea was great enough for a very popular black press to quickly support.The slogan â€Å"gave voice to a democratic dream that would be widely shared across the country. † African-Americans could quickly relate to the cause because of its positive message. The Pittsburgh Courier used gr eat tactics such as photographs to charge the â€Å"Double V† Campaign. The photographs in the paper had a woman with a â€Å"VV† on the back of her dress, a class of six graders flashing the Double V sign and a soldier forming a Double V with his hands and two military flags. The campaign did not discourage patriotism or influence a turn against America.It called for the democratic truth America tried to embody. Private Charles F. Wilson wrote to President Roosevelt, â€Å"Are the Chinese to believe that we are fighting to bring them ‘freedom, equality, and justice,’ when they can see that in our Armed Forces we are not even practicing what we preaching? † This illustrates the powerful effect the campaign had in motivating people to stand up for the double victory cause. Democratic America was a fraud in World War II and Thompson’s letters called America out to be a true model for democracy.White America only had to worry about the victory o ver the Axis powers. The Double V showed the greater challenges colored Americans had to face. An African-American soldier named E. G. McConnell of the 76ist Tank Battalion said, â€Å"I was in a unit I was damn proud of, and I knew that the things we did would shape the future for my children and grandchildren. † The soldiers who felt unsure about the war now had a certain answer which was that the ideal would be one day reached with enough sacrifices. The maintenance of patriotism is vital to unifying the country.Black and White Americans live in America. Love for one’s country is something that can be undeniably shared. The Courier’s introduction of the Double V Campaign had a brilliant statement which was â€Å"WE HAVE A STAKE IN THIS FIGHT†¦. WE ARE AMERICANS TOO! † This statement shows that all Americans no matter what race share the loyalty and pride for the country. Black and White Americans share the same goal in defeating the Axis Powers in the name of democracy. African-Americans have just as much to lose as White Americans. Support for the campaign also came from famous whites.Politician Thomas Dewey supported the campaign stating, â€Å"All Americans must participate in the terrible struggle ahead – in our munitions factories at home – and in every branch of our armed forces on the battle fronts. † This shows how the Double V campaign was able to make the problems on the home front evident. The Pittsburgh Courier showed a picture of a black and white man showing the Double V sign in its Feb 28, 1942 edition. This showed that the fight for democracy was not limited to that of a colored American. The Double V ideal was available to all American people.The Courier gracefully executed a fight not against the whites but to fight with them. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) denounced the army’s segregationist policy: â€Å"A Jim Crow army cannot fight for a free world. † The mutual effort between colored and white Americans was necessary to defeat the evils of discrimination. There can be no peace and justice without cooperation because a change in a nation requires everyone. The editor of the Pittsburgh Courier wrote: â€Å"We call upon the President and Congress to declare war on Japan and against racial prejudice in our country.Certainly we should be strong enough to whip both of them. † This statement illustrated America’s great potential to win both victories and amplified America’s greatness. If America is fighting for democracy abroad it should be easily able to fight for democracy at home. There was a calling for America to prove it is a truly marvelous country that conquers any problem. The two victories coexist well because the fight is the same but just in different areas. Just as much as democratic principles were being eradicated in Europe by the Axis Powers; democratic equality was being ignor ed in America.Black columnist George Schuyler said â€Å"Our war is not against Hitler in Europe, but aganst Hitler in America. Our war is to get a democracy we never had. † Schuyler points out that only is there a problem with World War II and the fight against Germany, but that there is a segregation and discrimination problem on United States soil. The victory at home is necessary for the victory abroad because there is no justification in fighting for a contradiction. Black soldiers’ presence made a huge difference for America. African-Americans were allowed into the Air Corps on January 16, 1941 and the War Department office was flooded with applications.Although black soldiers were able to fight in the sky they still faced racial prejudice. â€Å"Promotions of blacks were nonexistent; it was obvious when young whites were promoted over blacks with years of exemplary military service. † These black soldiers personally felt the harsh discrimination. Their ha rd work was overlooked and there was nothing to be done about it. The War Department was stern on its traditional treatment of colored soldiers. These soldiers could not protest the discrimination. The â€Å"Double V† campaign gave them the ability to protest by instilling the idea that fighting in the war will later result in a better future.The soldiers were fighting for the second victory at home. A Tuskegee administrator said, â€Å"When Negroes do not have to be continuously on their guard against such unnecessary strains during the period of their flying training they will do better as flyers. † This illustrated a contradiction because segregating training camps is a definite example of racial discrimination. The segregation cultivated strains of doubt and hopelessness in the minds of the black soldiers. The Double V helped link black soldiers’ urge for victory in WWII with the hope for an end to discrimination and segregation.A black airman in the 99th, a nd an eventual Tuskegee Airman, â€Å"every man in the 99th was aware that the success of the 99th would impact the status of blacks in the Army Air Force and the army as a whole and that each man performed his job as if the race depended on him. † The â€Å"Double V† Campaign gave black America the opportunity to feel like they were a part of a greater struggle for freedom everywhere. One soldier said, â€Å"Just carve on my tombstone, ‘Here lies a black man killed fighting a yellow man for the protection of a white man’. This showed the paradox that they are expected to do the same dangerous and life risking things as the white man but do not reap the same benefits. Black soldiers were willing to protect country even though the relationship was not reciprocal. These black soldiers needed to risk their life for a worthy cause which is what the â€Å"Double V† Campaign did by providing them with the motive of victory on the home front. Considering U. S. involvement in WWII â€Å"government officials began stressing the need of a united home front to ensure victory, and many blacks realized that whites could no longer ignore the issue of discrimination. With the increasing participation of colored Americans in the war, the issue of discrimination became a bigger concern. The issue could no longer be avoided. The Double V stepped in at the perfect time and confronted the issue of discrimination. As can be seen throughout the whole of this analysis, The â€Å"Double V† campaign was a profound movement that provided incentive for African-American war efforts and effectively revealed the disparity between America’s ideals abroad and the reality at home. Thompson’s words were very inspiring because he showed the perseverance to overlook all the unjust treatment and still have optimism in America.The positive assertion contributed greatly to the success of the campaign. The â€Å"Double V† campaign was o ne of the most extensive patriotic drives in the country during the war because it kept black America appraised of the struggle for victory overseas and victory at home through numerous publications. World War II gave African-Americans the perfect opportunity to change the ways of America. It was impeccable timing for the â€Å"Double V† campaign to start. Many African-Americans participated in the war and were willing to sacrifice their lives.There were also many African-Americans such as men in the military who questioned if was worth defending a nation representing hypocrisy. The â€Å"Double V† Campaign was started for these people who represented the common theme of discrimination. It was during World War II in which the possibility of African-Americans being heard. The connection of the two victories was clever because it demonstrated that African-Americans are fighting for everyone else and raises the question of why it is not reciprocated which shows that Afric an-Americans are entitled to equal rights.There is a request for cooperation among all Americans to truly represent democracy. To be constantly brought down by discrimination and prejudices and still persevere is mind blowing showed the amazing patience African-Americans had. The â€Å"Double V† campaign showed the public that there is a potential existence of an America practicing what it preaches where all men are created equal and no innate social, cultural or human right is withheld from you. ——————————————– [ 1 ]. Ronald Takaki, Double Victory: A Multicultural History of America in World War II (Boston: Little, Brown and Co, 2000), 25 [ 2 ].Michael S. Foley, Home Fronts A Wartime America Reader (New York: The New Press, 2008), 56 [ 3 ]. Takaki, 21 [ 4 ]. Washburn, Pat The â€Å"Pittsburgh Courier’s† Double V Campaign in 1942 (1981), 4 [ 5 ]. Takaki, 30 [ 6 ]. Takaki, 34 [ 7 ]. James G. Thompson†The Courier’s Double ‘V’ For a Double Victory Campaign Gets Country-Wide Support,† The Pittsburgh Courier, February 14, 1942 [ 8 ]. James Edward Boyack, â€Å"Denounces Limit Placed on Negro in War Efforts,† Pittsburgh Courier, Feb. 28, 1942, 1 [ 9 ]. Washburn, 8 [ 10 ]. Takaki, 23 [ 11 ].Beth Bailey, â€Å"The â€Å"Double-V† Campaign in World War II Hawaii: African Americans, Racial Ideology, and Federal Power,† Journal of Social History 26:4 ( March 1993): 817 [ 12 ]. Takaki, 24 [ 13 ]. Lynn M Homan, Black Knights: The story of Tuskegee Airmen (Gretna, Lousiana: Pelican Publishing Company, 2001), 30 [ 14 ]. Homan, 71 [ 15 ]. Homan, 34 [ 16 ]. Lawrence P. Scott, Double V The Civil Rights Struggle Of The Tuskegee Airmen (East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 1992), 134 [ 17 ]. Takaki, 34 [ 18 ]. Washburn, 2 [ 19 ]. Scott, 167

Race in the 19th 20th century - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 9 Words: 2824 Downloads: 1 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category History Essay Type Analytical essay Did you like this example? Essay Question: Examine how ideas about race were elaborated in the second half of 19th century and the early 20th century. Race is a historically and culturally specific notion, embedded in a constellation of economic, political, and cultural discourses and uniquely linked to specific relations of power and authority (Hirschfield, 1998, p.34). It has been argued that race was an Enlightenment project that resulted from the desire to classify (Cohen, 1974, p.207). Racial thinking certainly existed before this period, but the modern concept of race is a more recent one that has developed from the encounter of more Europeans with other peoples (MacDonald, 1973, p.241). There is some disagreement as to when the construction of race took its current form. First, it has been suggested that the descriptions of race in ancient literature demonstrate that it originates in xenophobic beliefs (Hirschfield, 1998, p.34). The system of natural classification that developed in the Eighteenth Century is a lso seen as an important contribution (Hannaford, 1996, p.188). However, almost all studies agree that a distinctive development of racial thinking began to take place in the Nineteenth Century (Hirschfield, 1998, p.35). The Nineteenth Century saw the search for the historical and biological origins of race (Hannaford, 1996, p.235). It went beyond the simply classification of race and towards a more significant delineation of race into one that embodies characteristics, personalities and even mental abilities. Several key developments were relevant to this progression. These will be examined as follows: first the importance of the development of biological categories and the influence of power will be examined. Secondly, the development of scientific dialogue of Darwinism and Eugenics will be discussed. Thirdly, an examination will be made of the influence of nationalism and imperialism. Finally, the notion to which the discourse became self-serving will be considered in that as the connection between cultural features and racial stereotypes became ingrained, there was recourse to the scientific argument to justify the features of power. The urge to divide the human race into broad categories similar to the animal kingdom seems to be a starting point for many of the theorists in the Nineteenth Century (James, 1981, p.19). Kants On the Different Human Races is characteristic of this view: he draws analogy to how the animal species are divided to demonstrate a division in the human race. A natural division is based upon identifying lines of descent that divide according to our reproductive relations (Kant, 2000, p. 8). This description of racial characteristics holds a number of significant features of the developing views of race. It seeks to explain differences as accruing from environmental change (James, 1981, p.19). Despite attempting to read as a scientific study, it demonstrates some significant bias towards the North Europeans, describing those who live in the humid heat of a warm climate, which he states produces a thick, turned up nose and thick fatty lips (Kant, 2000, p.17). The skin needs to be oily to avoid the absorption of the foul, humid air (Kant, 2000, p.17). This thus demonstrates that the scientific foundation became the vector for the view of racial development and the perceived superiority of white. The foundation of the racial paradigm can therefore be discerned in the need to classify elements of the human race in a manner similar to the natural world (Lazarus, 2011, p.4). As has been seen, the development of classification resulted in a derogation of the non-European races. From one point of view, this can be seen as a natural progression, as those doing the classification may tend to regard themselves as the superior race, simply defining all alternatives as the other (James, 1981, p.19). However, this went much further than a simple scientific approach to considering all races to be infer ior in a general sense to a kind of opposition to other races (Bayly, 2004, p.227). The classification was extended not simply to demonstrate different racial characteristics to ones that included personalities, attitudes and associated capabilities. The urge to categorise therefore does not simply predetermine the unequal distribution of racial characteristics between different races (Cohen 1974, p.207). Darwinism can be seen as a significant academic contribution to the racism paradigm. The notion that some races had evolved to a more complete end than others dominated the discourse (Bayly, 2004, p.230). This represented a significant departure from the old notions of racism and pointed towards the solution: the other, more advanced races would attempt to educate the other races and complete their evolution. The triumph of Western Capitalism was seen as a self-evident manifestation of evolutions triumph in the Western Europeans, with the success of the ex-colonies such as the United States being seen as further proof of a racial superiority of white people (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.563). This was intertwined with the notion of social Darwinism, where the formation of societies were seen as corresponding to the same principles of evolutionary racism. This can be seen in the declaration by the German General Friedrich von Bernhardi in 1907: war is a biological necessity of the first importance†¦ since without it unhealthy development will follow, which excludes the advancement of the race, and therefore all real civilization (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.563). The development of Eugenics in the late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries represents the clearest manifestation of the racial characteristics. This can be described as the science of racial improvement (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.564). This characterises the racist paradigm at that time, whereupon differences had become interpreted as significant and strong manife stations of elements that are better or worse within a race (Benedict, 1983, p.45). Selective breeding was seen as a method by which the tendency of racial characteristics would tend towards an average could be modified. This provided further scientific rationale that justified racial stereotypes. Furthermore, it demonstrated that intermixing between the races could result in interbreeding, and thus pollute racial stocks (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.546). The formation of the British Society for Eugenics in the early Twentieth Century represented a significant development of the scientific rationale attempting a social cause, whereby some elements of society were encouraged to breed whereas others were discouraged. This, evidently reached its apogee in the Nazism of the 1930s and 1940s, but the principles were prevalent before this took a particularly strong manifestation. The Nuremberg laws in 1935 redefined German citizenship on racial grounds and ultimately this resulte d in sterilisation and genocide of undesirable elements in society. It was the extremes that this manifestation reached that contributed to its dramatic decline in popularity following the war (Benedict, 1983, p.46). Biological determinism offers one starting point for the justification of slavery in the mid-Nineteenth Century and therefore offered a starting point for the justification of racial oppression; in other words it provided the means of defining unequal power relationships (Cohen, 1974, p.209). The associated racial characteristics applied to other races by Europeans and their descendants can be seen in the manifestation of power (James, 1981, p.25). At a point where the anti-slavery movement was growing in importance across the old colonial powers, it seemed required that justification of the submissive state of such individuals in society was required (Gupta, 1983, p.27). Slavery in the USA became to be seen more as a paternalistic benevolence by slave owners to a race who, by their nature, were unable to thrive for themselves outside the framework of slavery (Bayly, 2004, p.277). It was widely held in the USA in the Nineteenth Century that black people were slow of learning and had little natural intelligence (Hannaford, 1996, p.188). The power relations that were involved in the suppression of one group by another therefore justified the characterisation of that race as limited in natural ability, and thus suggested the oppression of the race was of benefit to them rather than the exploitative relationship it was. This idea will be further explored in the development of nationalism and imperialism, but it is important to note the manifestation of power relationships in a wide range of contexts before the late-Nineteenth Century developments (Hannaford, 1996, p.189). The notion of racism also developed to encompass not only significant differences of race, but differences in nationality (Gupta, 1983, p.23). This racism without c olour requires attention owing to its growth in the period of the late Nineteenth and early Twentieth Centuries (Gupta, 1983, p.22). It has been argued that race and racism are inextricably linked but this is difficult to support (Morris, 1994, p.845). Although there is significant racial heterogeneity in the UK, there are strong arguments that suggest that a perceived racial homogeneity is a cultural construct (Gupta, 1983, p.23). The growth of nationalism can be seen as a significant contribution to the development of racist ideologies (Lazarus, 2011, p.3). According to a number of studies of nationalism, the notion became increasingly important in the Nineteenth Century resulting in the theme of nationalism that is present today (Brubaker, 2011, p.1785). The later Nineteenth Century was the period during which the theme of nationalism was very strong (Anderson, 2006, p.11). This, therefore, resulted in the development of racism to extend to national characteristics rather t han simply focusing on biological differences. A significant corollary of the development of nationalism was that it was founded on shared values and national characteristics (Ersanilli and Koopmans, 2010, p.773). This therefore provided the notion that other cultures and nations did not share such characteristics. This can be seen as part of the foundation of the notion of racism based upon essentially nationalistic characteristics. As Benedict (1983, p.128) states if Frenchman and Germans differed, by that token they were different races. A crucial element of a number of nationalisms was the notion that the population within the set geographical limitations were of the same race (Anderson, 2006, p.15). This intertwined the notion of race and national boundaries in a way that had not received such a complete notion before. However, in order for this developed to take place, the notions of racial-nationalism drew heavily upon the developing paradigm that suggests that there is a coincidence between the race of an individual or a group and other features, such as learning acumen, personality features, attitudes and so on (Ersanilli and Koopmans, 2010, p.775). The application of this idea to the set of national characteristics was relatively smooth: it simply posited that, in the same way the geography changed the racial characteristics of people in terms of physical features, it further had an effect on their personal characteristics (Kant, 2000, p.17). Therefore individuals living in a nation state that had a different geographical location would thus develop similar characteristics as each other and different ones from different states. This paradigm could only apply to a certain number of states and does not fully explain the existence of entrenched racism that occurred in other areas such as the USA, South Africa and Australia (Anderson, 2006, p.16). In such cases the notion of power represents the most significant explanatory variable. Ho wever, it is significant that there was an attempt to provide a strong adherence to a common set of values in late Nineteenth Century; particularly such values as might be deemed Anglo-Saxon, which reinforced the supremacy of the white make, the Protestant Church and the English Language (Bayly, 2004, p.229). This can be seen as perhaps resulting from the same factors that produced a racial conception of nationality. The later Nineteenth Century was a period during which imperialist theories were also legion (Bayly, 2004, p.227). In the historical context of creation, these views were intertwined with nationalism. However, within the context of the development of racial arguments, they have a significant role to play. This has been characterised as new imperialism, during which most of Africa was seized by Europeans (Bayly, 2004, p.228). These views are considered separately as it can illustrate the significance of the importance of nationalism in emphasising the racial char acteristics of nation states (Anderson, 2006, p.11). Imperialism, however, demonstrated the importance of power relations in the development of the racial discourse. In many senses, the racial discourse can be seen as developing from a concerted attempt to justify the unequal power relationship between the rulers and ruled. This can be seen in extent to which most Europeans gave humanitarian or religious justification for their actions, suggesting that the superiority of European civilization compelled them to impose it upon the primitive cultures (Bayly, 2004, p.229). Social Darwinism played a significant role in the development of imperialisms justified on academic racism, whereby the primitive aspects of the race were seen as justification in itself for the imperialist activities. Other motives for imperialism, such as the economic imperative, all drew on the racist paradigm to provide a less selfish justification for the new empires (Bayly, 2004, p.230). This therefore re sulted in an increase in the notion of race being a defining characteristic. Racial ideologies were not simply advanced by a conglomeration of nationalism, imperialism, Darwinism and Eugenics (Giroux, 1992, p.165). In the early Twentieth Century, there became evidence strands of simply cultural racism that can be seen as running alongside the biological determinism that was largely prevalent. From this perspective, individuals were suspicious or negative towards to other races not solely on the basis on racial differences, but because those differences represented a divergence in cultural values (Giroux, 1992, p.164). This can be seen in the number of miscegenation laws that prevailed in the USA in this period, which have been interpreted as founded on notions of biological mixing (Hirschfield, 1998, p.24). However, there was considered to be more at stake than simply the eroding of biological race: marriage resulted in social responsibility and constituted more than simply the biological element; it did not outlaw illicit sex but simply marriage. This therefore was an attempt to assert the supremacy of the white man over all other races (Giroux, p.165). However, during this period, challenges to miscegenation laws included the argument that the continual subdivision of racial categories made no sense in terms of an identification of race as a biological characteristic (Mason, 1994, p.845). Therefore, this period includes not only the development of the biological classification of racism in the Nuremberg Laws in 1935, but also the gradual eradication of this notion in the courtrooms of the USA and the continued definition on the grounds of power relationships (Bayly, 2004, p.231). The results of this investigation therefore demonstrate the following features of the definition of racism in the late Nineteenth Century and the early Twentieth Century (Jackson, 2004, p.4). First, the starting point was the biological definition of racism, which, coupled with unequal power relationships resulted in the definition of certain features as being undesirable, less advanced or primitive (Bayly, 2004, p.227). Second, the development of the sciences of evolutionary Darwinism and Eugenics provided further scientific validity to these views, justifying unequal power relationships either by pinpointing the inability of certain races to develop, or by suggesting the more advanced races had a personal benevolence to the others (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.563). Third, the growth in nationalism resulted in the extension of the racist paradigm to encompass characteristics defined by nationalism rather than identified by biological features (Anderson, 2006, p.11). Fourth, the growth in imperialism in this period drew upon evolutionary theory to define the colonised as less developed and therefore justifying their colonisation as a duty for the more evolved (Bayly, 2004, p.227). Finally, cultural separatism played a role, where the biological racial argument was used as a cover to simply perpetuate the inequalities in society (Giroux, 1992, p.165). During this period, racism went from a series of speculations to a firmly developed and justified academic discipline; different elements of the paradigm intertwined to justify unequal power relationships and vindicate oppression. References Anderson, B., 2006. Imagined Communities: reflections upon the origin and spread of nationalism, London: Verso. Bayly, C. A., 2004. The birth of the modern world, 1780-1914: global connections and comparisons, London: Wiley-Blackwell. Benedict, R., 1983. Race and Racism, London: Taylor and Francis. Brubaker, R., 2011. Nationalizing States Revisited: projects and processes of nationalization in post Soviet states, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 34(11), pp.1785-1814. Cohen, W. B., 1974. Literature and Race: Nineteenth Century French Fiction, Blacks and Africa, 1800-1880, Race and Class, 16, pp. 207-213. Duiker, W. J. and Spielvogel, J. J., 2006. World History: from 1500, New York: Cengage Learning. Ersanilli, E. and Koopmans, R., 2010. Rewarding Integration? Citizenship Regulations and the Socio-Cultural Integration of Immigrants in the Netherlands, France and Germany, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 36(5), pp.773-791. Giroux, H. A., 1992. Border Crossings: Cultural Workers and the Politics of Education, London: Routledge. Gupta, D., 1983. Racism without colour: the Catholic ethic and ethnicity in Quebec, Race Class, 25(1), pp.23-44. Hannaford, I., 1996. Race: The History of an Idea in the West , Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Center. Hirschfield, L. A., 1998. Race in the Making: Cognition, Culture and the childs construction of human kinds, Cambridge (Mass.): MIT Press. Jackson, P., 2004. Introduction in P. Jackson (ed.) Race and Racism: Essays in Social Geography, London: Routledge, pp. 1-18. James, A., 1981. †Black†: an inquiry into the pejorative associations of an English word, New Community, 9(1), pp.19-30. Kant, I., 2000. On the Different Human Races in R. Benasconi (ed.) The Idea of Race, London: Hackett Publishing, pp.8-22. Lazarus, N., 2011. What postcolonial theory doesnt say, Race Class, 53(1), pp.3-27. Macdonald, I., 1973. The Capitalist Way to Curb Discrimination. Race Today,pp.241-2. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Race in the 19th 20th century" essay for you Create order